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- <text id=93TT2258>
- <title>
- Dec. 20, 1993: What Would Lenin Say?
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
- Dec. 20, 1993 Enough! The War Over Handguns
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- RUSSIA, Page 44
- What Would Lenin Say?
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Under a new democratic constitution, Boris Yeltsin will have
- all the powers of a modern-day czar
- </p>
- <p>By John Kohan/Moscow
- </p>
- <p> Boris Yeltsin refused to endorse any party in Russia's parliamentary
- elections. Nonetheless, he took to the campaign trail last week
- on a surprise visit to the volatile North Caucasus region, where
- ethnic tensions have sparked armed conflicts. The President's
- message could not have been more direct: if voters in this separatist-minded
- region failed to endorse his new draft constitution, the Russian
- Federation was in danger of falling apart. Local officials dutifully
- joined the President in a statement calling for a da vote in
- the constitutional referendum.
- </p>
- <p> While attention focused on elections to the new bicameral parliament,
- the Kremlin was worried about how Russia's 108 million voters
- would cast their ballots on the constitution. Since Yeltsin
- suspended the rebellious parliament and crushed a hard-line
- armed revolt last October, he has been ruling alone by presidential
- decree. To bring Russia back onto a constitutional track, he
- took a bold gamble in asking voters simultaneously to select
- new lawmakers and approve a new law of the land.
- </p>
- <p> Hard-liners have accused Yeltsin of using the new constitution
- to make himself into a modern-day czar. While the draft enshrines
- the broad provisions of the U.S. Bill of Rights and many declarative
- guarantees from the communist era, like the right to housing
- and medical care, it leaves key questions about the organization
- of the legislative branch to the discretion of the new parliament.
- </p>
- <p> The most controversial articles give the President substantial
- powers to control parliament--a major change from Soviet-era
- constitutions that brings Russia closer to the French model
- of a presidential republic. Because the Kremlin wants to rule
- out any possibility that the bloody showdown in October could
- be repeated, the new law grants Yeltsin the right to disband
- the parliament if it fails to accept his nominee for Prime Minister
- for the third time or attempts to force a vote of confidence
- twice in three months. The post of Vice President has been abolished,
- owing to Yeltsin's bitter experience with his own running mate
- turned rebel, Alexander Rutskoi. If the President becomes disabled,
- power temporarily passes to his Prime Minister.
- </p>
- <p> The draft document, in the making for more than three years,
- offers Russians an impressive list of human rights. It upholds
- the principle of private property, including land ownership,
- as well as freedom of speech and religion. The document also
- outlaws home searches without a court order, protects the privacy
- of mail and telephone communications and explicitly forbids
- the use of torture. But words on paper do not make a law-governed
- state. Russians remember grandiloquent provisions on human rights
- contained in constitutions written for Stalin in 1936 and Leonid
- Brezhnev in 1977--rights they never enjoyed. Without stable
- government institutions in place to enforce the constitution,
- this document might suffer the same fate.
- </p>
- <p> After the October showdown, the Kremlin tinkered with the draft
- to tighten central control over Russia's 89 regions and autonomous
- republics. Federal laws are given precedence over local legislative
- acts, and natural resources are subject to joint federal and
- local control. Anticipating trouble in the hinterlands, which
- have exploited tensions in Moscow to go their own way, last
- week Kremlin advisers bluntly told local leaders in the ethnic
- republics of Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Tuva and Kalmykia to
- refrain from "irresponsible remarks," hinting that the Kremlin
- might take measures to bring them into line.
- </p>
- <p> Even the rules for the constitutional referendum are tricky:
- the draft must be approved by a majority of at least half of
- all registered voters. Fearing that the lackluster parliamentary
- campaign meant the constitution might be lost because of a low
- turnout, the President went on television to address the nation.
- The draft document was the best way to protect Russia "from
- shocks like October 1993," said Yeltsin. "If we want good for
- our country, for each other, for our children, we must vote
- for the constitution."
- </p>
- <p> Not all Russian democrats were as concerned about a referendum
- victory. Radical economist Grigori Yavlinsky, leader of a reform
- bloc ranked second in public-opinion polls, believes a popularly
- elected legislature would be empowered to amend and ratify the
- constitution if it failed at the ballot box. But this is precisely
- the scenario Yeltsin wants to avoid. Since the new batch of
- deputies elected this week is likely to be an unwieldy mix of
- democrats, centrists, communists and nationalists, he could
- find himself confronted by a new parliament just as intent on
- whittling down his powers as the one he dissolved. Without popular
- support for a strong presidential constitution, the power struggle
- that has plagued Russia for so long could begin all over again.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-